One of the principal divisions is that between secular Jews and religious Jews.
By Alan Hart I must begin with a clarification. Yes, one part of the reason for the refusal of Western governments the one in Washington DC especially to use the leverage they have to try to cause Israel to end its defiance of international law and denial of justice for the Palestinians is fear of losing election campaign funding and votes, and fear of being overwhelmed by false charges of anti-Semitism.
The leader who alerted me to this fear was President Jimmy Carter in a private conversation my wife and I had with him and Rosalynn after they were denied a second term in the White House.
Carter invited me to meet him to brief him on my experience when in I accepted the challenge of being the linkman in a secret, exploratory dialogue between Yasser Arafat and Shimon Peres.
When Carter invited me to meet him, he asked me to bring my wife because, he said, he and Rosalynn worked as a team. The Real Enemy Of The JewsI took Carter back to the early months of his first and only term in and his real determination then to construct and push forward a plan for a comprehensive and lasting Middle East peace.
He understood that he had no chance of overcoming the inevitable opposition from a Begin-led Israel and the Zionist lobby in America to his plan for a comprehensive peace and, first of all, the construction of a framework for negotiations. And that was why Carter instructed Cyrus Vance, his cool and admirable secretary of state, to work with the Soviet Union on the production of a joint US-Soviet Declaration of Principles on which a comprehensive peace was to be based.
It was American and Soviet diplomacy at its best on paper. It was an outline plan for a comprehensive settlement of what was then called the Arab-Israeli conflict which not only contained all the necessary ingredients for peace, but presented them in a way that was calculated to prevent a knee-jerk rejection by any of the parties.
Essentially, the joint US-Soviet Declaration required the Arab states and the Palestinians to make peace with Israel, and therefore to formally recognise and legitimise it at the end of the negotiating process.
The obvious implication was that after an Israeli withdrawal, a Palestinian mini-state would be created on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.
It was hailed by most mainstream media institutions throughout the Western world and beyond as a real breakthrough that offered real hope for real peace.
Because the PLO had not been mentioned by name, and because there was no specific commitment to the establishment of a Palestinian mini-state, a minority of Palestinian leaders not the mainstream were unhappy and made their usual rejectionist noises, but Arafat had no trouble in getting his mainstream and majority leadership colleagues to accept the declaration as the basis for negotiations with Israel.
Some years later I asked Arafat if he had truly believed that the Americans and the Soviets had opened the door to peace. And I told Carter exactly what Arafat said to me in reply.
I was very happy. It was an historic moment. For the first time the two superpowers were committed to doing something for us Palestinians. Truly, I believed there would be peace with some justice for my people. I was more optimistic than at any time in my life.
Israel rejected the US-Soviet Declaration. According to a report in Time, Dayan was on the record just before the war with this statement.The Politics of NGOs, Human Rights and the Arab-Israel Conflict. Gerald M. Steinberg NGOs have become major political powers, particularly in the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
They exercise influence through public discourse, political advocacy, and legal proceedings. Using their preferential access to the media and diplomatic.
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International Law Issues pertaining to the Arab-Israeli Conflict (4 academic hours) Guest speaker: Prof. Guy Harpaz, Faculty of Law, Hebrew University of Jerusalem (*) Guy Harpaz and Yuval Shany, “The Israel Supreme Court and the Incremental.
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